告別演講稿(15篇)

第1篇 六年級告別母校演講稿范文

敬愛環(huán)境的老師、環(huán)境親愛的同學(xué)：

大家好！光陰似箭，日月如梭。日子過得真快！彈指之間我已快到了畢業(yè)的日子、回憶當(dāng)初，在校園的生活給了我許多快樂的回憶！

看著我胸前掛著的校徽…………，我非常感謝我的環(huán)境——__學(xué)校。哺育我成長的搖籃：非?？删吹睦蠋焸儭拔覀冃燎诘膱@丁”，辛苦了。是你們用知識的甘露澆灌了我們這些幼苗，讓我們茁壯成長。

多少年的歲月?那即漫長又短暫，幾年的歲月，與老師朝夕相處的學(xué)習(xí)生活，一幕幕出現(xiàn)在我的眼前…………。最讓我難忘的是，老師在黑板前，用洪亮的聲音引導(dǎo)這我們的思維一起學(xué)習(xí)。最難忘的是，老師用那永不疲倦的身影在給我們備課，批改作業(yè)。最難忘的是，老師您即教環(huán)境又育人，更重要的是老師用自己的對事業(yè)的忠誠和那種執(zhí)著可敬的職業(yè)精神，教會(huì)我們?nèi)松淼牡览?，懂得如何去做人，讓我們在成長的道路上有了一盞明燈。

我的母?！猒_學(xué)校！我將快要離開您了，去接觸新的學(xué)習(xí)環(huán)境了，但你留給我美好的回憶和給我諄諄的教導(dǎo)，我將永生難忘，永遠(yuǎn)銘記在心中。我一定不會(huì)辜負(fù)母校對我的期望，我一定會(huì)好好的學(xué)習(xí)，用學(xué)習(xí)報(bào)答對您的養(yǎng)育之恩。

祝您：桃李滿天下！

第2篇 大學(xué)生告別母校的感恩演講稿

親愛的老師和同學(xué)們：

大家上午好!我是第二臨床醫(yī)學(xué)院2022屆的畢業(yè)生__。很榮幸能夠代表全體2022屆本科畢業(yè)生，向敬愛的母校告別，向親愛的老師告別，向可愛的同學(xué)告別，也向這段不能忘懷的蘭大歲月告別!

時(shí)光荏苒，韶逝，大學(xué)生活即將落下帷幕。驀然回首，在母校的點(diǎn)點(diǎn)滴滴不禁浮現(xiàn)腦海，歷歷在目。還記得在榆中，每天飛機(jī)飛過后一道道白色線條交織成的五線譜嗎?還記得圖書館和自習(xí)室我們孜孜不倦學(xué)習(xí)的身影嗎?還記得綠茵場上我們?yōu)榧w榮譽(yù)而全力以赴，為自己隊(duì)友搖旗吶喊時(shí)的齊心協(xié)力嗎?還記得每天跟同學(xué)好友一起上課路上的朝陽，一起分享喜怒哀樂的月光嗎?太多太多的回憶已成為我們生命中最珍重的收藏。

五年前，和每一位同學(xué)一樣，我滿懷夢想，背負(fù)期望，來到蘭大。彈指一揮間，我已從渴求知識的新生，成長為學(xué)有所成的畢業(yè)生。還記得稚嫩的大一，面對新的環(huán)境與困難，還偷偷地掉眼淚;還有忙碌卻又快樂的大二，雖然紅寶書充滿挑戰(zhàn)，雖然各種考試應(yīng)接不暇，但我從失敗中學(xué)會(huì)了如何從容應(yīng)對;青春飛舞的大三，各種校園內(nèi)外的活動(dòng)讓我學(xué)會(huì)了豐富與鍛煉，合作與競爭，學(xué)會(huì)了不斷超越自己的極限而成長。正式母校提供如此多的機(jī)會(huì)，才使我的大學(xué)生活如此豐富多彩。獲得軍政基金科研項(xiàng)目支持，獲得寶鋼獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，獲得甘肅省三好學(xué)生以及四次國家獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金。雖然我即將離開蘭大這片深愛的熱土，奔赴耶魯大學(xué)求學(xué)，但我永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)忘記母校。母校，您用樸素的情懷和砥礪的歲月，給了我們一個(gè)清醒的頭腦、一雙洞察世事的眼睛和一顆熱忱的心靈，把“自強(qiáng)不息，獨(dú)樹一幟”的精神融進(jìn)了我們的血脈、我們的生命。轉(zhuǎn)眼就到了依依離別之時(shí)。

畢業(yè)在即，我們要感謝許多人，感恩他們?yōu)槲覀兊某砷L付出的心血和努力。感恩父母。一路上風(fēng)雨兼程，你們撐起一片燦爛無比的晴空，用細(xì)致無私的愛，給了我們溫暖的港灣和不斷前行的力量，卻從不索求，讓我們把誠摯的謝意獻(xiàn)給我們的父母，并用我們的一生去回報(bào)他們無盡的恩情。

感恩老師。親愛的老師，你們授予我們專業(yè)知識、教會(huì)我們做人的道理，語重心長的為我們指點(diǎn)走出社會(huì)后該注意些什么。感激的話千言萬語，再華麗的辭藻也無法表達(dá)我們對您的尊敬與愛戴。學(xué)生即將遠(yuǎn)行，就讓我們深情的道一聲：老師，您辛苦了!

感恩母校。您的博大胸懷，使我們在發(fā)展方向上擁有充分的個(gè)性空間;您的倍加關(guān)懷，使我們可以自信地面對任何艱難困苦;您的精心呵護(hù)，使得我們順利完成學(xué)業(yè)，獲得繼續(xù)深造與建功立業(yè)的機(jī)會(huì)。

今天我們要畢業(yè)了，但青春不畢業(yè)，這次離別只不過是人生的又一個(gè)開端。我們帶不走母校的一草一木，卻帶走了母校給予的堅(jiān)毅、勤奮、踏實(shí)和謙虛，去迎接即將到來的挑戰(zhàn)。

“天戴其蒼，地履其黃;縱有千古，橫有八荒，前途似海，來日方長。美哉我少年中國，與天不老;壯哉我中國少年，與國無疆!”今天，我想與在座的所有同學(xué)用這句梁啟超先生的話共勉。讓我們帶著蘭大“扎根西部，心憂天下”的社會(huì)抱負(fù)，帶著實(shí)現(xiàn)民族復(fù)興的中國夢堅(jiān)定地踏上新征程;讓我們發(fā)揚(yáng)蘭大“海納百川，兼容并蓄”精神，在社會(huì)的各行各業(yè)都盡情施展我們的才華。我希望在未來的日子里，不管你是80后還是90后，都能夠在各自的人生舞臺上，慷慨激昂，精彩陳詞，書寫自己的成功與輝煌。

最后，衷心祝福同學(xué)們前程似錦，收獲喜樂成長!祝福老師幸福安康、桃李芬芳!祝愿母校再譜華章，再續(xù)輝煌!

我的演講完畢，謝謝大家!

第3篇 告別高中英語演講稿范文

today, i speak from this podium a final time as your president. as i depart, i want to thank all of you - students, faculty, alumni and staff - with whom i have been privileged to work over these past years. some of us have had our disagreements, but i know that which unites us transcends that which divides us. i leave with a full heart, grateful for the opportunity i have had to lead this remarkable institution.

今天，我將以校長的身份，最后一次在這個(gè)講臺上演講。即將離任前，我要感謝諸位學(xué)生、教師、校友和員工，而且非常榮幸在過去的5年里能與你們共事。我們中的一些人意見不盡相同， 但是，我知道，我們的共識遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超越分歧。我心滿意足的離開哈佛，感激你們給我機(jī)會(huì)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)這所杰出的學(xué)府。

since i delivered my inaugural address, 56 months ago, i have learned an enormous amount—about higher education, about leadership, and also about myself. some things look different to me than they did five years ago. the world that today’s harvard’s graduates are entering is a profoundly different one than the world administrators entered.

自從56個(gè)月前我發(fā)表上任講話以來，我學(xué)到了很多——關(guān)于高等教育，關(guān)于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)藝術(shù)，也關(guān)于自我完善。在我看來，現(xiàn)在與5年前不同了。今天的哈佛畢業(yè)生正在進(jìn)入的世界和管理人員當(dāng)年所進(jìn)入的世界相比已是大相徑庭了。

it is a world where opportunities have never been greater for those who know how to teach children to read, or those who know how to distribute financial risk; never greater for those who understand the cell and the pi_el; never greater for those who can master, and navigate between, legal codes, faith traditions, computer platforms, political viewpoints.

現(xiàn)今世界，機(jī)遇對于這些人來說是空前的：他們知道如何教子女閱讀;他們知道如何組合投資;他們懂得基本存儲單元和像素概念;他們能掌握各種法典、傳統(tǒng)信仰、計(jì)算機(jī)平臺、政治觀點(diǎn)并在其中游刃有余。

it is also a world where some are left further and further behind - those who are not educated, those trapped in poverty and violence, those for whom equal opportunity is just a hollow phrase.

同時(shí)，現(xiàn)今世界，一些人越來越落后于時(shí)代。這些人沒受過教育、深陷于貧窮和暴力、平等機(jī)遇對他們而言，僅是一句空話。

scientific and technological advances are enabling us to comprehend the furthest reaches of the cosmos, the most basic constituents of matter, and the miracle of life.

科技進(jìn)步正在使我們能夠探索宇宙的邊陲、物質(zhì)最基本的成分及生命的奇跡。

at the same time, today, the actions, and inaction, of human beings imperil not only life on the planet, but the very life of the planet.

與此同時(shí)，今天，人類所做的及沒能做到的事情，不僅危害到這個(gè)星球上的生命，也危害到該星球的壽命。

globalization is making the world smaller, faster and richer. still, 9/11, avian flu, and iran remind us that a smaller, faster world is not necessarily a safer world.

全球化正在使地球變得愈來愈小、愈來愈快和愈來愈富有。盡管如此，9/11、禽流感及伊朗提醒我們，更小更快的世界決不意味著其更安全。

our world is bursting with knowledge - but desperately in need of wisdom. now, when sound bites are getting shorter, when instant messages crowd out essays, and when individual lives grow more frenzied, college graduates capable of deep reflection are what our world needs.

我們正處于一個(gè)知識爆炸的世界之中，不過，迫切需要智慧。現(xiàn)在，在原聲摘要播出變得愈來愈短，即時(shí)信息淘汰了雜記文，個(gè)人生活變得如癡如狂之際，這個(gè)世界還是需要能夠深思的大學(xué)生。

for all these reasons i believed - and i believe even more strongly today - in the unique and irreplaceable mission of universities.

考慮到這些理由，我過去信仰，而今天甚至更加強(qiáng)烈地信仰大學(xué)獨(dú)特的、無可取代的使命。

universities are where the wisdom we cannot afford to lose is preserved from generation to generation. among all human institutions, universities can look beyond present norms to future possibilities, can look through current considerations to emergent opportunities.

大學(xué)是人類把不可或缺的智慧世代流傳的殿堂。就人類所有公共機(jī)構(gòu)而言，僅僅大學(xué)，能夠超越當(dāng)前的準(zhǔn)則，注意到未來的可能性;能通過目前的判斷，注意到突發(fā)的機(jī)遇。

and among universities, harvard stands out. with its great tradition, its iconic reputation, its remarkable network of 300,000 alumni, harvard has never had as much potential as it does now.

哈佛在大學(xué)中間，鶴立雞群。憑其偉大的傳統(tǒng)、因襲聲譽(yù)及其非凡的300000校友網(wǎng)，哈佛的潛力前所未有。

and yet, great and proud institutions, like great and proud nations at their peak, must surmount a very real risk: that the very strength of their traditions will lead to caution, to an inward focus on prerogative and to a complacency that lets the world pass them by.

可是，就像偉大和自豪的國家在其鼎盛時(shí)期一樣，它們必須克服一個(gè)完全不能掉以輕心的危險(xiǎn)因素：它們傳統(tǒng)的絕對強(qiáng)勢將會(huì)導(dǎo)致謹(jǐn)小慎微、追求內(nèi)部特權(quán)及自滿，這將使它們不能與時(shí)俱進(jìn)。

and so i say to you that our university today is at an inflection point in its history. at such a moment, there is temptation to elevate comfort and consensus over progress and clear direction, but this would be a mistake. the university’s matchless resources - human, physical, financial - demand that we seize this moment with vision and boldness. to do otherwise would be a lost opportunity. we can spur great deeds that history will mark decades and even centuries from now. if harvard can find the courage to change itself, it can change the world.

今天，哈佛正處于其歷史的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)。此時(shí)此刻的自然傾向是，把貪圖舒適和隨波逐流留凌駕于進(jìn)步和方向性之上，但，這可能是錯(cuò)誤的。大學(xué)無與倫比的資源 ——人力、物力、財(cái)力——要求我們遠(yuǎn)見卓識和勇敢地抓住這個(gè)時(shí)機(jī)，否則，將會(huì)坐失良機(jī)。我們能推動(dòng)將會(huì)被歷史永世銘記的偉大的事業(yè)。如果哈佛能找到勇氣來改變自己，它就能改變世界。

告別高中英語演講稿范文

第4篇 中學(xué)生演講稿：告別網(wǎng)吧，做文明健康的中學(xué)生

現(xiàn)在隨著中國社會(huì)的不斷發(fā)展，人們的生活也逐漸富裕起來，網(wǎng)絡(luò)也跟著在社會(huì)中流行，融入到了我們生活中去，而且擴(kuò)張的范圍很大，尤其是對于中學(xué)生來說更是對“網(wǎng)絡(luò)”愛不釋手。為此，上個(gè)星期，老師叫我寫有關(guān)網(wǎng)絡(luò)文明的演講稿，我想就寫“告別網(wǎng)吧，做文明健康中學(xué)生”為題的演講稿吧，于是我就中學(xué)生告別網(wǎng)吧一事專門調(diào)查了幾位同學(xué)，他們中的一些堅(jiān)定的搖了頭，并說出了一大堆上網(wǎng)的好處，而且反問了我：“你也不是經(jīng)常上網(wǎng)嗎？”，于是，產(chǎn)生了我的幾個(gè)思考：告別網(wǎng)吧，是不是就等于告別了網(wǎng)絡(luò)？告別網(wǎng)吧現(xiàn)實(shí)嗎？我們的中學(xué)生在接觸網(wǎng)絡(luò)時(shí)，該如何把持自己呢？

老師說過，21世紀(jì)是知識經(jīng)濟(jì)的時(shí)代，是網(wǎng)絡(luò)時(shí)代，是人類數(shù)字化生存的時(shí)代，電腦和網(wǎng)絡(luò)，是每一個(gè)學(xué)生都必須掌握的一門課程。在美國等西方國家，四五年級的學(xué)生都能夠熟練地使用電腦、網(wǎng)絡(luò)、查閱資料，學(xué)習(xí)知識。相比之下，讓我們中學(xué)生告別網(wǎng)絡(luò)的做法，我想在座的同學(xué)沒有一個(gè)會(huì)同意的。但我們法律為什么又規(guī)定“禁止未成年人進(jìn)入網(wǎng)吧”？首先，我們不能把“網(wǎng)絡(luò)”等同于“網(wǎng)吧”。不接觸網(wǎng)吧，我們同樣可以接觸網(wǎng)絡(luò)。比如通過：家庭個(gè)人電腦、學(xué)校電腦室等，當(dāng)然，這方面的開發(fā)和利用，有待學(xué)校、老師、家長和我們同學(xué)的共同認(rèn)識基礎(chǔ)上逐步實(shí)現(xiàn)。第二，表面禁止的同時(shí)，深含對我們未成年人的身心保護(hù)。我們中學(xué)生迷戀網(wǎng)吧，不能自拔，導(dǎo)致學(xué)業(yè)無成，甚至是猝死網(wǎng)吧的現(xiàn)象時(shí)有耳聞，一旦事件發(fā)生，我們總認(rèn)為這是因無知而犯下的錯(cuò)，但也為時(shí)已晚?！敖刮闯赡耆诉M(jìn)入網(wǎng)吧”是為了讓我們的學(xué)生少犯或不犯同樣的錯(cuò)誤，讓更多的人來關(guān)愛我們這些未成人。

但是，目前那些黑網(wǎng)吧，象一個(gè)個(gè)美麗的陷阱，使許多同學(xué)丟魂失魄、喪失意志、無心學(xué)習(xí)、前途廢棄。據(jù)調(diào)查，學(xué)生上網(wǎng)80%以上是打游戲，15%左右是交友聊天，真正查詢資料用于學(xué)習(xí)的為數(shù)極少。有13%以上的男生很喜歡上網(wǎng)或迷戀上網(wǎng)，達(dá)到了嚴(yán)重影響學(xué)習(xí)的地步。一到寒暑假，學(xué)生們更是肆無忌憚，不少學(xué)生生通宵達(dá)旦地玩電游、上網(wǎng)。網(wǎng)上游戲、網(wǎng)上聊天和網(wǎng)上色情是網(wǎng)絡(luò)三個(gè)魔爪，是使中學(xué)生墮落的三大殺手。由于網(wǎng)絡(luò)游戲、色情和聊天充滿刺激、驚險(xiǎn)和浪漫，許多網(wǎng)迷一旦接觸，便深陷其中而不能自拔、網(wǎng)上“三魔爪”又被稱作“電子海洛因”，是殺人不眨眼的劊子

您正在查看《中學(xué)生演講稿：告別網(wǎng)吧，做文明健康的中學(xué)生》

第5篇 初中畢業(yè)生告別母校優(yōu)秀演講稿范文

各位敬愛老師，同學(xué)們：

大家好！

今天，我站在這里，代表全體初三畢業(yè)生向我們的母校道別，向×三中的老師們道別，向朝夕相處的同窗們道別，也向這段不能忘懷的歲月道別！讓我們真誠的向老師們說一聲：謝謝，向?qū)W弟、學(xué)妹們道聲：努力！

此時(shí)此刻，我的心情無比激動(dòng)，即有畢業(yè)的喜悅，也有掩不住無限的回憶與留戀。三年的學(xué)習(xí)時(shí)光，彈指一揮間，但很多記憶將成為我們生命中最為珍重的收藏：葳蕤的楊樹，寬闊的操場，如畫的長廊，明亮的教室。我們一定還記得剛?cè)胄r(shí)你我所立的雄心壯志，一定還記得在教室、圖書館和實(shí)驗(yàn)室中你我孜孜不倦學(xué)習(xí)、研究的身影，一定還記得老師的諄諄教誨和習(xí)題獲得突破時(shí)你我那種發(fā)自內(nèi)心的喜悅，一定還記得在運(yùn)動(dòng)場上你我生龍活虎的鍛煉場景，太多太多的情景值得我們?nèi)セ貞?。這三年的路，我們走的辛苦而快樂，三年的生活，我們過的充實(shí)而美麗，我們流過眼淚，卻伴著歡笑，我們踏著荊棘，卻嗅得萬里花香。

三年的初中生活，使我們從一個(gè)不懂事兒童，成為了一名躊躇滿志的青少年；從不敢離開父母的懷抱，到不怕堅(jiān)險(xiǎn)，勇于拼搏。三年來，一千零五十多個(gè)日日夜夜，母校不懈地用知識武裝我?，F(xiàn)在，我們不僅學(xué)會(huì)了語文、數(shù)學(xué)，而且學(xué)會(huì)了物理和化學(xué)，不僅提筆能寫文章，而且知道了分子和原子及各種知識。最重要的一點(diǎn)在于，使我更清楚地知道怎么愛中國、愛社會(huì)主義，維護(hù)世界和平。這是學(xué)校教育的結(jié)果，這是老師們心血的結(jié)晶。

在這畢業(yè)之際，我感謝美麗的母校，給了我知識的瓊漿、智慧的力量和做人的道理；感謝敬愛的老師們那淳淳教誨和無私的關(guān)愛，您對我們的恩情比山還高，比海還深。

今天的畢業(yè)不僅是對昨天的總結(jié)，更是對明天的呼喚。以后我們將要進(jìn)入高中去學(xué)習(xí)。還會(huì)進(jìn)入大學(xué)深造，會(huì)扛槍保衛(wèi)祖國的邊陲，會(huì)上山去找礦，會(huì)進(jìn)工廠去做工，會(huì)到廣漠的原野上去耕耘。我們還會(huì)奔向世界各地，去紐約、巴黎、倫敦。但我們無論在什么地方，無論干什么工作，我們永遠(yuǎn)和這里心連心。老師們，請相信，我們在新的地方一定會(huì)保持三中學(xué)生的優(yōu)良傳統(tǒng)，去拼搏、去奮斗、去創(chuàng)造，絕不會(huì)辜負(fù)你們的信任！

三中的全體同學(xué)們，雖然我們畢業(yè)了，但你們還要繼續(xù)在這里學(xué)習(xí)和生活，希望你們今后要努力學(xué)習(xí)、團(tuán)結(jié)友愛、講究文明、遵守紀(jì)律，不僅要成為一名合格的中學(xué)生，更要為做一名有用的祖國棟梁之才而努力奮斗。 最后，我們真誠得祝愿親愛的母校和敬愛的老師：永遠(yuǎn)美麗！永遠(yuǎn)年輕！永遠(yuǎn)幸福

第6篇 奧巴馬告別演講稿英文版

找不到奧巴馬告別的英文版演講稿嗎?本文是小編為大家整理的奧巴馬告別演講稿英文版，僅供參考借鑒，希望可以幫助到大家。

it’s good to be home. my fellow americans, michelle and i have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. but tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the american people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. every day, i learned from you. you made me a better president, and you made me a better man.

i first came to chicago when i was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who i was; still searching for a purpose to my life. it was in neighborhoods not far from here where i began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. it was on these streets where i witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. this is where i learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

after eight years as your president, i still believe that. and it’s not just my belief. it’s the beating heart of our american idea – our bold e_periment in self-government.

it’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

it’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-e_ecuting; that we, the people, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

this is the great gift our founders gave us. the freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

for 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. it’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. it’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the rio grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. it’s why gis gave their lives at omaha beach and iwo jima; iraq and afghanistan – and why men and women from selma to stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

so that’s what we mean when we say america is e_ceptional. not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

yes, our progress has been uneven. the work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. for every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. but the long sweep of america has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

if i had told you eight years ago that america would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if i had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the cuban people, shut down iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if i had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

but that’s what we did. that’s what you did. you were the change. you answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, america is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

in ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the ne_t. i committed to president-elect trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as president bush did for me. because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

we have what we need to do so. after all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth. our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

but that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

that’s what i want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.

understand, democracy does not require uniformity. our founders quarreled and compromised, and e_pected us to do the same. but they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

there have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. the beginning of this century has been one of those times. a shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. and how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

in other words, it will determine our future.

our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. the wealthy are paying a fairer share of ta_es even as the stock market shatters records. the unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. the uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. and if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – i will publicly support it.

that, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.

but for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the e_pense of a growing middle class. but stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. while the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fi_ed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

there are no quick fi_es to this long-term trend. i agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. but the ne_t wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. it will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

and so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the ta_ code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. we can argue about how to best achieve these goals. but we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. for if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

there’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. after my election, there was talk of a post-racial america. such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. for race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. i’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young americans across the political spectrum.

but we’re not where we need to be. all of us have more work to do. after all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. if we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of america’s workforce. and our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. that’s what our constitution and highest ideals require. but laws alone won’t be enough. hearts must change. if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in american fiction, atticus finch, who said “you never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

for blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender american, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

for white americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and jim crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our founders promised.

for native-born americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the irish, italians, and poles. america wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

so regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

none of this is easy. for too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. the rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. and increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. but without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? how can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting ta_es for corporations? how do we e_cuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? it’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

take the challenge of climate change. in just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. but without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the e_istence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. but to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders.

it’s that spirit, born of the enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at kitty hawk and cape canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

it’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the great depression, and build a post-world war ii order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

that order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. the peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. it represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

because of the e_traordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and e_ecuted an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although boston and orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. we’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including osama bin laden. the global coalition we’re leading against isil has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. isil will be destroyed, and no one who threatens america will ever be safe. to all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief.

but protecting our way of life requires more than our military. democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. so just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against e_ternal aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. that’s why, for the past eight years, i’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. that’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. that’s why i reject discrimination against muslim americans. that’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to e_pand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and lgbt rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how e_pedient ignoring such values may seem. for the fight against e_tremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. if the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

so let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. isil will try to kill innocent people. but they cannot defeat america unless we betray our constitution and our principles in the fight. rivals like russia or china cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. all of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. when voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. when trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. when congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid e_tremes.

and all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

our constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. but it’s really just a piece of parchment. it has no power on its own. we, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. america is no fragile thing. but the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

in his own farewell address, george washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous an_iety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. we weaken those ties when we define some of us as more american than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without e_amining our own role in electing them.

it falls to each of us to be those an_ious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: citizen.

ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. it needs you. not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. if you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. if something needs fi_ing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. if you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. show up. dive in. persevere. sometimes you’ll win. sometimes you’ll lose. presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. but for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. and more often than not, your faith in america – and in americans – will be confirmed.

mine sure has been. over the course of these eight years, i’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. i’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in charleston church. i’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. i’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. i’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

that faith i placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways i couldn’t possibly have imagined. i hope yours has, too. some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2022 – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

you’re not the only ones. michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. you took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. you made the white house a place that belongs to everybody. and a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. you’ve made me proud. you’ve made the country proud.

malia and sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. you wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. of all that i’ve done in my life, i’m most proud to be your dad.

to joe biden, the scrappy kid from scranton who became delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice i made as a nominee, and the best. not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain, i gained a brother. we love you and jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

to my remarkable staff: for eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – i’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. i’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let washington get the better of you. the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

and to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every american who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and i will forever be grateful. because yes, you changed the world.

that’s why i leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than i was when we started. because i know our work has not only helped so many americans; it has inspired so many americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. this generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – i’ve seen you in every corner of the country. you believe in a fair, just, inclusive america; you know that constant change has been america’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. you’ll soon outnumber any of us, and i believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

my fellow americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. i won’t stop; in fact, i will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. for now, whether you’re young or young at heart, i do have one final ask of you as your president – the same thing i asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

i am asking you to believe. not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

i am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every american whose story is not yet written:

yes we can.

yes we did.

yes we can.

thank you. god bless you. and may god continue to bless the united states of america.

第7篇 告別母校演講稿范文

尊敬的老師，親愛的同學(xué)們：

大家好。

歲月匆匆,花開花落。轉(zhuǎn)眼間，小學(xué)的學(xué)習(xí)生活就過去了。而今，我們即將畢業(yè)。在即將離開母校的時(shí)刻，我們的心情十分激動(dòng)，每個(gè)人的心中都充滿了留戀之情。回首往事，六年的小學(xué)生活歷歷在目，母校的一草一木，一磚一瓦，都是那樣熟悉，那樣親切。我忘不了那一次：

那是去年初夏時(shí)節(jié)。一天，疾風(fēng)夾著密集的雨點(diǎn)，不時(shí)還傳來一陣陣?yán)茁?。僅管這樣惡劣的天氣同學(xué)們還在班里上課。乎聞一陣震耳欲聾的雷聲，我驚恐的豎耳聽著。由于那一堂課我沒有認(rèn)真聽，所以老師講的是什么我一點(diǎn)也不知道。老師叫我放學(xué)后在教室等她。放學(xué)了，我忐忑不安的在教室等著。伴隨一陣腳步聲，老師到了教室。她坐在我旁邊，給我講剛才上課的內(nèi)容，聽她那如沐春風(fēng)的語言，我看著她那股認(rèn)真勁，我不禁熱淚盈眶……

我們身上所有的智慧，所有知識，都是老師辛苦工作的結(jié)果。我們成長中的進(jìn)步，都是老師汗水的澆灌……六年的步覆踏實(shí)又匆忙；而當(dāng)這一切悄然落幕的時(shí)候，我才發(fā)現(xiàn)，我們走過得辛苦歡樂，過得充實(shí)而美麗，我們流過眼淚，卻伴著微笑，我們踏著荊棘，卻嗅得萬里花香，2190天里，我們每個(gè)人都長大了許多許多……

謝謝大家。

第8篇 9月份國旗下演講稿:告別不文明行為

9月份國旗下演講稿:告別不文明行為

10月份國旗下演講稿:告別不文明行為

告別不文明行為--今天我講話的題目是：告別不文明行為。

同學(xué)們，今天我先給大家介紹一下我們學(xué)校，有的人可能要問：我們天天在學(xué)校里，這還要你介紹呀？

我們的學(xué)校是政府投資5500萬元新建的一所全新的小學(xué)，學(xué)校有48個(gè)班，2735名學(xué)習(xí)認(rèn)真，文明守紀(jì)的好學(xué)生，158名愛崗敬業(yè)的教職工，學(xué)校是縣硬件設(shè)施最好，環(huán)境最美的校園，現(xiàn)在我們學(xué)校正向著一流的鎮(zhèn)中心小學(xué)大踏步的前進(jìn)。

說到這里，可能我們不少同學(xué)都會(huì)產(chǎn)生自豪的心情，但在我們學(xué)校努力前行的過程中有一些同學(xué)不注意自身形象，給我們這個(gè)充滿希望的現(xiàn)代化校園涂上不和諧的一筆！今天，我就把平時(shí)少先隊(duì)監(jiān)督崗發(fā)現(xiàn)一些不文明的行為給大家列舉出來，我們每個(gè)人對照一下：

看看自己現(xiàn)在是否還帶零食來學(xué)校？

看看自己是不是能主動(dòng)撿起別人不小心丟下的紙屑？

看看自己上廁所的時(shí)候是不是站到了指定的位置？

看看自己從教學(xué)樓去前面綜合樓上課的時(shí)候是不是吵吵鬧鬧，影響辦公樓里的老師辦公了？

看看自己是不是能認(rèn)真完成老師布置的作業(yè)？

看看自己是不是每天放學(xué)能主動(dòng)關(guān)好教室的門窗？

看看自己洗完手后是不是及時(shí)的關(guān)掉了水龍頭？

看看學(xué)校的地面上的口香糖是不是你留下的？

騎車的同學(xué)看看自己在校園是不是推著自行車走的？

同學(xué)們，昨日的習(xí)慣，已經(jīng)造就了今日的我們；今日的習(xí)慣決定明天的我們。讓我們從現(xiàn)在做起，從今天做起，培養(yǎng)良好的行為習(xí)慣，為實(shí)現(xiàn)我們學(xué)校的目標(biāo)共同努力。

9月份國旗下演講稿:告別不文明行為

第9篇 奧巴馬告別演講稿中英文版

巴拉克·奧巴馬是美國第44任總統(tǒng)，隨著唐納德·特朗普的當(dāng)選，奧巴馬的任期也即將結(jié)束，下面是小編為大家收集了關(guān)于奧巴馬告別演講稿中英文版，希望可以幫助到大家。

以下是奧巴馬的告別演說全文：

你好，芝加哥!回家的感覺真好!謝謝，謝謝大家!(省略n個(gè)謝謝)

在過去幾個(gè)星期里，我和michelle收到了各種美好的祝愿，我們非常感動(dòng)，感謝大家對我的支持。今晚我仍然要向你們表達(dá)我的感謝，是你們，身處各地，各個(gè)場所的每一位美國人讓我保持真誠，是你們給了我靈感，并一直激勵(lì)著我前進(jìn)。我每天都在向你們學(xué)習(xí)，是你們讓我成為一個(gè)更好的總統(tǒng)，成為一個(gè)更優(yōu)秀的人。

我第一次來到芝加哥還是20歲出頭的時(shí)候，當(dāng)時(shí)我還處在找尋自我的階段，還在為自己的生活尋找方向。就在離這不遠(yuǎn)的一個(gè)社區(qū)，我開始參與教會(huì)團(tuán)體工作。在這些街區(qū)，我看到了信仰的力量，看到了勞動(dòng)人民面對困境和失意時(shí)那種安靜的尊嚴(yán)。就是在這里，我了解到只有普通民眾都參與進(jìn)來，變革才會(huì)發(fā)生，只有我們的力量聯(lián)合起來，社會(huì)才會(huì)進(jìn)步。

現(xiàn)在八年時(shí)間過去了，我仍然堅(jiān)信這一點(diǎn)。我相信，這不只是我自己的一個(gè)信念，也是我們整個(gè)美國思想的核心所在——對自治進(jìn)行大膽地嘗試。

我們的信念一直是，生來平等，造物者賦予我們一些不可剝奪的權(quán)利，其中包括生命、自由以及對幸福的追求。這些權(quán)利，雖然人人都有，但并不能自動(dòng)實(shí)現(xiàn)。我們，每一個(gè)公民，必須通過民主的工具，來創(chuàng)建一個(gè)更加完美的國家。

這是造物者賜予我們的禮物，我們擁有用汗水、辛勞和想象力去追逐我們的個(gè)人夢想和自由，同時(shí)也承擔(dān)有團(tuán)結(jié)一致，實(shí)現(xiàn)更高目標(biāo)的義務(wù)。我們的國家并不是一開始就是完美的，但是我們已經(jīng)展示出了改變的能力，并為每一位追隨者提供更好的生活。

是的，我們的進(jìn)步并不均衡，民主工作也一直很艱難，同時(shí)存在一定的爭議，并且有時(shí)是血腥的。每向前邁兩步，給人的感覺往往是還要往后退一步。但是美國在漫長的發(fā)展過程中，我們一直銳意進(jìn)取，不斷拓寬我們的信條，去擁抱所有，而不僅僅是其中一部分。

如果八年前，我告訴你們，美國將扭轉(zhuǎn)大衰退，重振汽車行業(yè)，并創(chuàng)造出歷史以來最多的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì);如果當(dāng)時(shí)我告訴你們，我們將與古巴人民開啟一個(gè)新的篇章，停止伊朗核武器計(jì)劃并揪出9/11事件的幕后主使;如果當(dāng)時(shí)我告訴你們，我們將實(shí)現(xiàn)婚姻平等，為另外2000萬的同胞贏得健康保險(xiǎn)的權(quán)利;如果當(dāng)時(shí)我告訴你們這些，你們可能會(huì)說我的目標(biāo)定得有點(diǎn)高。但是現(xiàn)在這就是我們所做到的，這就是你們所做到的。是你們促成了這些變化，你們讓希望成真，也正是因?yàn)槟銈?，現(xiàn)在的美國比我上任時(shí)變得更好、更強(qiáng)。

十天之內(nèi)，世界將會(huì)見證我們民主的一個(gè)標(biāo)志：通過自由選舉，將總統(tǒng)的權(quán)利和平地移交給下一位總統(tǒng)。我向當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)特朗普承諾，我會(huì)為他提供最平穩(wěn)的過渡，就像布什總統(tǒng)之前為我做的一樣。因?yàn)槲覀兯腥硕夹枰_保政府可以幫助我們應(yīng)對目前面臨的諸多挑戰(zhàn)。

我們需要去應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)，因?yàn)槲覀內(nèi)匀皇堑厍蛏献罡挥小⒆顝?qiáng)大也最受尊重的國家，我們的青年和發(fā)展動(dòng)力，我們的多樣性和開放程度，我們應(yīng)對風(fēng)險(xiǎn)和進(jìn)行革新的能力，都在向我們表明未來應(yīng)該是屬于我們的。

但是，只有我們保持民主這些潛力才會(huì)發(fā)揮出來。只有當(dāng)我們的政治反映出人民的正直，只有我們所有人，不論黨派關(guān)系或特殊利益，都有助于推動(dòng)我們實(shí)現(xiàn)共同目的的渴望時(shí)，這些潛力才會(huì)發(fā)揮出來。

民主不需要同一性，我們的領(lǐng)袖會(huì)爭吵，會(huì)妥協(xié)，但他們知道民主需要一種基本的團(tuán)結(jié)意識，雖然我們存在各種差異，但我們?nèi)砸獔F(tuán)結(jié)一致，共同進(jìn)退。

歷史上總會(huì)有一些時(shí)刻會(huì)威脅到這種團(tuán)結(jié)，本世紀(jì)便是這樣的時(shí)刻：世界不斷變小，不平等持續(xù)擴(kuò)大，人口變化以及恐怖主義蔓延，這些因素不只是對我們國家安全和經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮的考驗(yàn)，也是對我們民主的考驗(yàn)。我們?nèi)绾蝸響?yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)，將決定我們是否有能力教育好我們的孩子，創(chuàng)造優(yōu)質(zhì)的工作，并保護(hù)我們的家園。換言之，它將決定我們的未來。

在過去五十年以來，現(xiàn)在的醫(yī)療保健成本正在以最慢的速度上升。如果任何人能夠制定一個(gè)明顯優(yōu)于目前醫(yī)療保健系統(tǒng)的改進(jìn)計(jì)劃，并盡可能覆蓋更多的人，那我一定會(huì)公開表示支持。

我當(dāng)選后，出現(xiàn)了一種說法是美國進(jìn)入后種族時(shí)代(種族歧視已經(jīng)不存在)，這只是一個(gè)愿景，并不是現(xiàn)實(shí)。因?yàn)榉N族問題在我們的社會(huì)中仍然是一種強(qiáng)有力的分裂力量。雖然這一問題得到了某種程度的改善，但我們每一個(gè)人都需要做出更多的努力。畢竟，如果每一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)問題都被看作是勤勞的白人中產(chǎn)階級和不受歡迎的少數(shù)民族之間的矛盾，那所有種族的工人只能是爭奪蠅頭小利，而富人坐收漁翁之利。

這一切都不容易。對于我們中的太多人來說，退回到我們自己的溫床里最安全，無論是我們的社區(qū)或大學(xué)校園或禮拜場所或我們的社交媒體中，和那些與我們相似，有著同樣的政治背景，從不質(zhì)疑我們的假設(shè)的人相處最舒適。赤裸裸的黨派之爭、日益增加的經(jīng)濟(jì)和區(qū)域分層、媒體的分裂都成為政黨宣傳的工具——所有這一切使得這種區(qū)分似乎變得自然，甚至是不可避免的。我們變得躲在自己的泡沫里，只接受符合我們意見的信息，而不是基于現(xiàn)有證據(jù)形成自己的觀點(diǎn)。

這不是總是使政治如此沮喪的那部分嗎?當(dāng)我們建議將財(cái)務(wù)經(jīng)費(fèi)投入到孩子們的學(xué)齡前教育時(shí)，選舉官員對赤字感到如此憤怒，但是當(dāng)為公司削減稅收時(shí)，為什么不感到憤怒?其它黨派做出道德淪喪的事情時(shí)，我們緊緊抓住不放，但為什么當(dāng)我們自己的黨派做出相同的事情時(shí)，我們卻選擇原諒?這不僅是不誠實(shí)，而是對事實(shí)進(jìn)行選擇;這會(huì)自取其咎，因?yàn)槲业膵寢屧?jīng)告訴我，“事實(shí)總有一天會(huì)暴露在你面前。”

在短短8年時(shí)間里，我們減少了對外國石油的依賴，使我們的可再生能源增加了一倍，并帶領(lǐng)世界達(dá)成了一項(xiàng)拯救地球的協(xié)議。如果不果斷行動(dòng)，我們的孩子將不會(huì)再有時(shí)間來辯論氣候變化的存在;因?yàn)椋麄儗⒚τ趹?yīng)對其影響：環(huán)境災(zāi)難、經(jīng)濟(jì)破壞和尋求庇護(hù)的氣候難民潮。

假裝問題不存在不僅背叛了后代，它暴露了這個(gè)國家的本質(zhì)精神。

由于我們的官員、執(zhí)法人員和外交官的非凡勇氣，無論男性還是女性，在過去八年中，沒有外國恐怖組織成功實(shí)施對我們的家園的襲擊，雖然波士頓和奧蘭多提醒我們激進(jìn)組織的危險(xiǎn)性，單我們的執(zhí)法機(jī)構(gòu)比以往更加具有有效性和警惕性。我們已經(jīng)制服了數(shù)萬名恐怖分子——包括烏薩馬·本·拉登。

我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的全球聯(lián)盟已經(jīng)牽制了伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯蘭國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，占領(lǐng)了大約一半的領(lǐng)土。伊黎伊斯蘭國將被摧毀，任何威脅美國的人都將被制服。

這就是為什么，在過去八年中，我一直致力于在一個(gè)更堅(jiān)定的法律基礎(chǔ)上努力打擊恐怖主義，這就是為什么我們能夠結(jié)束折磨，關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩灣(以作為美軍的拘留營而著名)，并改革我們的監(jiān)管法律，以保護(hù)隱私和公民自由。

這就是為什么我反對歧視穆斯林美國人，這就是為什么我們不能退出大規(guī)模的全球斗爭——我們要擴(kuò)大民主、人權(quán)、婦女權(quán)利和lgbt權(quán)利，無論我們的努力有多么不完美。因?yàn)椋@是捍衛(wèi)美國的一部分。為了反對極端主義以及宗派主義和沙文主義，這是與反威權(quán)主義和民族主義侵略的斗爭。

這也是我想要表達(dá)的最后一點(diǎn)：當(dāng)我們把民主視為理所當(dāng)然時(shí)，我們的民主就會(huì)受到威脅。我們所有人，不論黨派，都應(yīng)該致力于重建我們的民主體制的任務(wù)。當(dāng)投票率是發(fā)達(dá)民主國家中最低之一時(shí)，我們應(yīng)該使投票更容易，而不是更難。 當(dāng)我們的組織信任度降低時(shí)，我們應(yīng)該減少金錢在政治中的腐蝕性影響，并堅(jiān)持透明度和道德的公共服務(wù)原則。當(dāng)國會(huì)功能失調(diào)時(shí)，我們應(yīng)該吸引我們的地區(qū)鼓勵(lì)政客迎合大眾需求，而不是僵化的極端。

所有這一切都取決于我們的參與;我們每個(gè)人都有公民的責(zé)任，無論權(quán)力以何種方式擺動(dòng)。

我們的憲法是一個(gè)了不起的，美麗的禮物。但它真的只是一塊羊皮紙。 它自己沒有力量。 而是我們，人民，賦予它的權(quán)力——我們的參與，和我們做出的選擇。 我們是否支持我們的自由，是否尊重和執(zhí)行法治。美國并不脆弱，但是，我們漫長的自由之旅的成果并不確定。

如果你厭倦了在網(wǎng)絡(luò)上與陌生人爭論，嘗試在現(xiàn)實(shí)生活中與他們進(jìn)行談話吧。 如果有什么需要改變，那就系好你的鞋帶，組織一些事情。如果你對你當(dāng)選的官員感到失望，可以拿一張剪貼板，拿一些簽名，自己去辦公室，出面，深入追究，堅(jiān)持不懈。

有時(shí)你會(huì)贏，有時(shí)你會(huì)輸。假設(shè)別人都具有善良的美德可能是一種風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，而且會(huì)有一段時(shí)間，這個(gè)過程會(huì)讓你失望。但是，對于我們這些有幸成為這項(xiàng)工作的一份子的人來說，仔細(xì)想想，我可以告訴你，它可以使每個(gè)人得到激勵(lì)和啟發(fā)。在這個(gè)過程中，你對美國和美國人的信心將得到證實(shí)，而我的信仰已經(jīng)得到證實(shí)。

感謝michelle，在過去的25年中，你不僅是我的妻子和我的孩子的母親，也一直是我最好的朋友。 你所要承擔(dān)的這個(gè)角色并不是你自己要求的，但你卻用優(yōu)雅、堅(jiān)韌、獨(dú)特的風(fēng)格和幽默感成功地完成了角色轉(zhuǎn)變。 你使白宮成為屬于每個(gè)人的地方。而新一代的年輕人視野會(huì)更高，因?yàn)樗麄冇心阕鳛榘駱印?/p>

感謝瑪麗亞和薩莎，你們成為了兩個(gè)了不起的年輕女性，聰明和美麗，但更重要的是，善良和周到，充滿激情。你們在聚光燈下承受了多年的負(fù)擔(dān)。在我一生中所做的所有事情中，我最為自豪的是成為你們的父親。

副總統(tǒng)拜登，是我做出的首個(gè)提名，也是最棒的提名。不僅僅是因?yàn)槟闶且粋€(gè)偉大的副總統(tǒng)，也是因?yàn)槲沂斋@到了你這樣一個(gè)兄弟。你就像我的家人一樣，與你的友誼也是我生活中的一大快樂所在。

對于我那些杰出的工作人員，八年的時(shí)間，甚至對其中一些人來說，時(shí)間還要更久，我被你們的精力所感染，回想你們每一天的表現(xiàn)，你們的性格、心靈和理想。八年的時(shí)間，其中有些人由單身，到結(jié)婚生子，開始自己人生路上的新旅程。雖然世事艱難，但你們一直沒有被打倒，你們讓我自豪。

對于你們所有的人，每位搬到陌生城市的組織者，每一名敲門宣傳的志愿者，每一名第一次投票的年輕人，每個(gè)為這種變化努力的美國人，你們是最棒的支持者和組織者，我將永遠(yuǎn)感激在心，因?yàn)槭悄銈兏淖兞耸澜?，是你們的功勞?/p>

這也是為什么，我雖然離開仍保持樂觀的原因所在，因?yàn)槲覀兊墓ぷ鞑粌H僅是幫助到很多人，更是激發(fā)了很多美國人，尤其是年輕人，相信你們可以有一番作為。

這一代美國人無私、富有創(chuàng)造性，并飽含愛國精神，你們相信公平、公正和包容，你們知道不斷保持變化是美國的標(biāo)志，所以不要害怕，擁抱這些變化，你們會(huì)愿意承擔(dān)這項(xiàng)艱巨的民主工作。你們很快就會(huì)超越我們這些人，我相信，未來在你們手中。

我的同胞們，為你們服務(wù)是我的榮幸。我不會(huì)停止為你們服務(wù)，以后我將作為一個(gè)公民，與你們站在一起。最后，就像八年前一樣，我希望你們能夠堅(jiān)持我們最開始的信念，那些來自奴隸和廢奴主義者爭取平等的信念，那些移民和自耕農(nóng)人群的奮斗不息的精神，以及那些對于民主自由權(quán)利的爭取，這些也是每一位美國人的信念，未來的篇章等待著你們?nèi)プV寫。

我希望你們能夠堅(jiān)持我們最開始的信念，那些來自奴隸和廢奴主義者的想法，那些移民和自耕農(nóng)人群的精神，以及那些正義的追隨者的信仰，這一信念是每個(gè)美國人的核心信念，未來的篇章等待著你們?nèi)プV寫。

是的，我們能行。(yes we can.)

是的，我們做到了。(yes we did.)

是的，我們能行!(yes we can.)

愿上帝保佑你們，愿上帝保佑美國!

英文原文

it’s good to be home. my fellow americans, michelle and i have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. but tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the american people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. every day, i learned from you. you made me a better president, and you made me a better man.

i first came to chicago when i was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who i was; still searching for a purpose to my life. it was in neighborhoods not far from here where i began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. it was on these streets where i witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. this is where i learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

after eight years as your president, i still believe that. and it’s not just my belief. it’s the beating heart of our american idea – our bold e_periment in self-government.

it’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

it’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-e_ecuting; that we, the people, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

this is the great gift our founders gave us. the freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

for 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. it’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. it’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the rio grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. it’s why gis gave their lives at omaha beach and iwo jima; iraq and afghanistan – and why men and women from selma to stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

so that’s what we mean when we say america is e_ceptional. not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

yes, our progress has been uneven. the work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. for every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. but the long sweep of america has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

if i had told you eight years ago that america would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if i had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the cuban people, shut down iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if i had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

but that’s what we did. that’s what you did. you were the change. you answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, america is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

in ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the ne_t. i committed to president-elect trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as president bush did for me. because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

we have what we need to do so. after all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth. our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

but that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

that’s what i want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.

understand, democracy does not require uniformity. our founders quarreled and compromised, and e_pected us to do the same. but they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

there have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. the beginning of this century has been one of those times. a shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. and how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

in other words, it will determine our future.

our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. the wealthy are paying a fairer share of ta_es even as the stock market shatters records. the unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. the uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. and if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – i will publicly support it.

that, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.

but for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the e_pense of a growing middle class. but stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. while the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fi_ed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

there are no quick fi_es to this long-term trend. i agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. but the ne_t wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. it will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

and so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the ta_ code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. we can argue about how to best achieve these goals. but we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. for if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

there’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. after my election, there was talk of a post-racial america. such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. for race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. i’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young americans across the political spectrum.

but we’re not where we need to be. all of us have more work to do. after all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. if we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of america’s workforce. and our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. that’s what our constitution and highest ideals require. but laws alone won’t be enough. hearts must change. if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in american fiction, atticus finch, who said “you never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

for blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender american, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

for white americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and jim crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our founders promised.

for native-born americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the irish, italians, and poles. america wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

so regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

none of this is easy. for too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. the rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. and increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. but without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? how can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting ta_es for corporations? how do we e_cuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? it’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

take the challenge of climate change. in just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. but without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the e_istence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. but to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders.

it’s that spirit, born of the enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at kitty hawk and cape canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

it’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the great depression, and build a post-world war ii order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

that order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. the peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. it represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

because of the e_traordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and e_ecuted an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although boston and orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. we’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including osama bin laden. the global coalition we’re leading against isil has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. isil will be destroyed, and no one who threatens america will ever be safe. to all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief.

but protecting our way of life requires more than our military. democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. so just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against e_ternal aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. that’s why, for the past eight years, i’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. that’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. that’s why i reject discrimination against muslim americans. that’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to e_pand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and lgbt rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how e_pedient ignoring such values may seem. for the fight against e_tremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. if the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

so let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. isil will try to kill innocent people. but they cannot defeat america unless we betray our constitution and our principles in the fight. rivals like russia or china cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. all of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. when voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. when trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. when congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid e_tremes.

and all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

our constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. but it’s really just a piece of parchment. it has no power on its own. we, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. america is no fragile thing. but the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

in his own farewell address, george washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous an_iety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. we weaken those ties when we define some of us as more american than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without e_amining our own role in electing them.

it falls to each of us to be those an_ious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: citizen.

ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. it needs you. not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. if you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. if something needs fi_ing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. if you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. show up. dive in. persevere. sometimes you’ll win. sometimes you’ll lose. presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. but for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. and more often than not, your faith in america – and in americans – will be confirmed.

mine sure has been. over the course of these eight years, i’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. i’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in charleston church. i’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. i’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. i’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

that faith i placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways i couldn’t possibly have imagined. i hope yours has, too. some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2022 – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

you’re not the only ones. michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. you took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. you made the white house a place that belongs to everybody. and a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. you’ve made me proud. you’ve made the country proud.

malia and sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. you wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. of all that i’ve done in my life, i’m most proud to be your dad.

to joe biden, the scrappy kid from scranton who became delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice i made as a nominee, and the best. not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain, i gained a brother. we love you and jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

to my remarkable staff: for eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – i’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. i’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let washington get the better of you. the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

and to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every american who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and i will forever be grateful. because yes, you changed the world.

that’s why i leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than i was when we started. because i know our work has not only helped so many americans; it has inspired so many americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. this generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – i’ve seen you in every corner of the country. you believe in a fair, just, inclusive america; you know that constant change has been america’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. you’ll soon outnumber any of us, and i believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

my fellow americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. i won’t stop; in fact, i will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. for now, whether you’re young or young at heart, i do have one final ask of you as your president – the same thing i asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

i am asking you to believe. not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

i am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every american whose story is not yet written:

yes we can.

yes we did.

yes we can.

thank you. god bless you. and may god continue to bless the united states of america.

第10篇 英語演講稿之森豪威爾告別演說

小編導(dǎo)語：這是關(guān)于艾森豪威爾的英語演講稿。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間，他擔(dān)任盟軍在歐洲的最高指揮官;負(fù)責(zé)計(jì)劃和執(zhí)行監(jiān)督1944年至1945年里，進(jìn)攻維希法國和納粹德國的行動(dòng)。為第二次世界大戰(zhàn)勝利做出了巨大的貢獻(xiàn)。小編為大家提供了這篇艾森豪威爾：farewell address 告別演說的演講稿，歡迎大家的閱讀。

dwight d. eisenhower farewell address delivered 17 january 1961

good evening, my fellow americans.

first, i should like to e_press my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. my special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.

three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, i shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the presidency is vested in my successor. this evening, i come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.

like every other -- like every other citizen, i wish the new president, and all who will labor with him, godspeed. i pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.

our people e_pect their president and the congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. my own relations with the congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the senate appointed me to west point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. in this final relationship, the congress and the administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. so, my official relationship with the congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.

we now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. three of these involved our own country. despite these holocausts, america is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that america's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

throughout america's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. to strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.

progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. it commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. we face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. to meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and comple_ struggle with liberty the stake. only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.

crises there will continue to be. in meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. a huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic e_pansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.

but each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. good judgment seeks balance and progress. lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. the record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.

but threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. of these, i mention two only.

a vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of world war ii or korea.

until the latest of our world conflicts, the united states had no armaments industry. american makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. but we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. we annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all united states cooperations -- corporations.

now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the american e_perience. the total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. we recognize the imperative need for this development. yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. so is the very structure of our society.

in the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial comple_. the potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power e_ists and will persist. we must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. we should take nothing for granted. only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.

akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. in this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, comple_, and costly. a steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government.

today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. in the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has e_perienced a revolution in the conduct of research. partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. for every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. the prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.

yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.

it is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. as we peer into society's future, we -- you and i, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. we cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. we want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.

during the long lane of the history yet to be written, america knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. such a confederation must be one of equals. the weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. that table, though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield.

disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. because this need is so sharp and apparent, i confess that i lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. as one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, i wish i could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

happily, i can say that war has been avoided. steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. but so much remains to be done. as a private citizen, i shall never cease to do what little i can to help the world advance along that road.

so, in this, my last good night to you as your president, i thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. i trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. as for the rest of it, i know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.

you and i, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under god, will reach the goal of peace with justice. may we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the nations' great goals.

to all the peoples of the world, i once more give e_pression to america's prayerful and continuing aspiration: we pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may e_perience its few spiritual blessings. those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.

now, on friday noon, i am to become a private citizen. i am proud to do so. i look forward to it.

thank you, and good night.

第11篇 告別舊年迎接新年的演講稿范文

新的一年，我多了一份緊迫 時(shí)光飛逝，，初三在向我一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)逼近，時(shí)間已不在充裕，心靈也不在放松。在這新年來臨之際，我又多了一份緊迫。 看！這是萬人爭過獨(dú)木橋的時(shí)刻，稍不留心，就會(huì)有被擠下的危險(xiǎn)，每一個(gè)不甘于落后的人都拼命的學(xué)，用心的學(xué)，許多過去放縱自己的同學(xué)也改變了自己，加入到用心學(xué)的行列，只有幾個(gè)頑固派分子依舊我行我素。趨于如此之形式，我也惟恐前者棄，后者追。在大家都忙于飛奔時(shí)，我也不得不多了一份緊迫，少了一份自由。

忍！在這個(gè)時(shí)刻，我必須同他人一樣，盡心盡力全身心投入學(xué)習(xí)，付出汗水。以求贏得中考，贏得勝利。沒有付出焉能有收獲，只怕到時(shí)悔之晚矣。不僅為不忍一時(shí)而悲，更要面對老師的批評，父母的指責(zé)，還有同學(xué)的取笑在這無形的重壓之下，我得忍，忍住了去勇敢面對。于是乎，便多了一份緊迫，少了一份快樂。 沖！在這個(gè)競爭的時(shí)刻，有競爭，才有進(jìn)步。當(dāng)今社會(huì)競爭激烈，學(xué)習(xí)生涯更亦如此，或許今天你在前，明天就他在前，正是風(fēng)水輪流轉(zhuǎn)，排名輪流坐。剛上初中時(shí)，大家在一起還比物，比穿，比吃。而如今卻掀起一股比分熱潮，誰的分?jǐn)?shù)高，誰就好象是神，人人羨慕而聚之，誰的分?jǐn)?shù)低 ，誰就會(huì)遭人冷眼相待。而好強(qiáng)之心人皆有之，我也想做神，受人敬仰。

為此，心甘情愿向前沖，也就多了一份緊迫。 慢慢地，我們已由玩耍的孩童成長為未來的棟梁，玩之風(fēng)漸漸被學(xué)習(xí)的浪潮所淹沒。雖然每天都過著從家到學(xué)校兩點(diǎn)一線的生活，一天又一天地重復(fù)著簡單而又枯燥乏味的生活：早起，上學(xué)，聽課，放學(xué)，做作業(yè)，入睡周而復(fù)始的輪回。但在知識的海洋，我又找到了遨游的樂趣，為了更好的明天，我只有放棄暫時(shí)的快樂，去拼搏，去努力。 新的一年，我多了一份緊迫 ，也少了一分自由，但我并不為此抱怨，因?yàn)槲抑?，此時(shí)的苦是美好未來的墊腳石，樂在其后才是長遠(yuǎn)的。正所謂其必曰：先多他人之苦而苦，后多他人之樂而樂。所以我感謝這份緊迫！

想查看更多優(yōu)質(zhì)范文，請上酷貓寫作范文網(wǎng)。

第12篇 麥克阿瑟告別英語演講稿：老兵永不死

mr. president, mr. speaker, and distinguished members of the congress:

i stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great american architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. i do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. they must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. i trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which i have to say as solely e_pressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow american.

i address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. while asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater e_pression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the communist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. you can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.

beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now e_isting there, he must comprehend something of asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long e_ploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.

mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.

in this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. these political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.

of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the littoral line of the americas, with an e_posed island salient e_tending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.

the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands e_tending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.

_any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort._ no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.

under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and e_pense. it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this littoral defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.

this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take e_ception. for that reason, i have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under communist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.

to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-e_istent, as they still followed the tenets of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under the regime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiang kai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.

through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute e_cellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for e_pansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.

there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.

i have from the beginning believed that the chinese communists' support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the same lust for the e_pansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.

the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.

politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.

of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the e_isting unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. we must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.

on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.

with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as i said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.

this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.

such decisions have not been forthcoming.

while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.

apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china's coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.

for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.

i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.

we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an appro_imate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.

efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth. i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:

men since the beginning of time have sought peace. various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. from the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. the utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. we have had our last chance. if we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, armageddon will be at our door. the problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2022 years. it must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.

but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.

war's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.

in war there is no substitute for victory.

there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.

'why,' my soldiers asked of me, 'surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?' i could not answer.

some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither e_planation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the ma_imum power it can commit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.

the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.

of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. the magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description.

they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: 'don't scuttle the pacific!'

i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have met all tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.

it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and an_iety.

those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.

i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that 'old soldiers never die; they just fade away.'

and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.

good bye.

麥克阿瑟告別演講“老兵永不死(中文版)”

總統(tǒng)先生，演講者，議會(huì)杰出的成員們：

我懷著深深的謙卑和無比的自豪感站在這演講臺上----謙卑是因?yàn)槊鎸υ谖颐媲暗哪切﹤ゴ竺绹^去的建設(shè)者們;自豪是因?yàn)橄氲絿鴥?nèi)立法爭論所設(shè)計(jì)的代表人類最純潔的自由。整個(gè)人類的希望、抱負(fù)、信念都集中于此。我站在這里不為任何黨派目的辯護(hù)，因?yàn)樽h題的根本性超出了黨派所能考慮的區(qū)域。如果能證明我們的路線穩(wěn)妥且我們的前途有保障,那些問題就應(yīng)被放在最高位來解決.因此，我相信，你們會(huì)公正地把我所表達(dá)的當(dāng)作一個(gè)美國同胞的觀點(diǎn)。

我演講既不帶人生暮年的怨恨也不帶傷感之情，但心中只有一個(gè)目的：為我的祖國效勞。雖然亞洲被認(rèn)為是通往歐洲的大門，但說歐洲是通往亞洲的大門也沒有錯(cuò)。且一方的廣泛影響不得不帶動(dòng)另一方。一些人聲稱我們的力量不足以同時(shí)保護(hù)兩條線路，我們不能分散精力。我認(rèn)為沒有比這更能表現(xiàn)出失敗主義的了。如果潛在性的敵人能將他們的力量分為兩條路線，那對我們來說就要對他們的力量予以反擊。共產(chǎn)主義者的威脅是一個(gè)全球性的問題。他們在每個(gè)防區(qū)的成功進(jìn)展直接預(yù)示著我們每隔一個(gè)防區(qū)將遭到破壞。我們不會(huì)為讓亞洲的共產(chǎn)主義投降而不能同時(shí)削弱我們的力量去遏止歐洲的發(fā)展而感到安慰。

說了太多的共知之理，我會(huì)簡略我關(guān)于亞洲地區(qū)的討論。在某人能客觀地對那里存在的形勢作出評估之前，他必須了解一些關(guān)于亞洲的過去和他們沿著自己的路線發(fā)展至今的改革變化。被所謂的殖民統(tǒng)治長期的剝削，便很難有機(jī)會(huì)建立社會(huì)的公正尺度，維護(hù)個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)，或者實(shí)現(xiàn)一個(gè)高水平的生活，就像保衛(wèi)我們在菲律賓自己崇高的政府，亞洲的人民抓住了他們的時(shí)機(jī)在戰(zhàn)爭中擺脫了殖民統(tǒng)治的束縛并且看到了新時(shí)機(jī)的曙光，一種從未感受過的尊嚴(yán)和一個(gè)國家自由后的自尊感。

集合地球一半的人數(shù)，有60%的自然資源被這些人迅速地加強(qiáng)成為一種新的力量，精神上的和物質(zhì)上的都被用來提升生活水平也是為適應(yīng)對自己的不同文化環(huán)境的最新進(jìn)展的謀劃。不管誰是否拘泥于殖民的概念，這是亞洲發(fā)展進(jìn)步的方向且不會(huì)被終止。這是世界金融尖端轉(zhuǎn)變的必然結(jié)果，就像整個(gè)世界事物的中心正循環(huán)著回到它的起始點(diǎn)。

在這種形勢之下，我們用基本發(fā)展的狀況使自己國家和東方國家在政策上保持和諧而不是一味追求不明現(xiàn)實(shí)的路線，因?yàn)橹趁駮r(shí)代已經(jīng)過去且亞洲人正為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們自由的命運(yùn)而垂延。他們當(dāng)今尋求的是友好的指引、協(xié)議、和支持——而不是專橫的引導(dǎo)——是平等尊嚴(yán)而不是恥辱地屈從。他們戰(zhàn)前的生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)低得令人同情，現(xiàn)在又因戰(zhàn)爭所帶來的破壞而變得更加無限的低。世界的意識形態(tài)幾乎不把亞洲考慮在內(nèi)，不給予他們體諒。那兒的人民為之拼命的只是為了能得到更多一點(diǎn)食物來填飽肚子，有稍好一點(diǎn)的衣物來遮背，蓋結(jié)實(shí)些的屋頂在他們的頭上，和普通國民們渴望政治自由的意識。這些政治社會(huì)性的條件為國內(nèi)安全給予了間接的保障，不過要對慎重考慮過的現(xiàn)時(shí)方案建立背景來決定我們是否要避免不切實(shí)際的意外事件。

能直系和快速地穩(wěn)固住國內(nèi)安全的是過去太平洋戰(zhàn)爭路線戰(zhàn)略上的改變。先前的美國西面戰(zhàn)略部署是美國原本線路，附和著暴露的島嶼夏威夷、中途島、關(guān)島通向菲律賓。這種戰(zhàn)線證明了不是敵方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱點(diǎn)使敵人有機(jī)可乘太平洋地區(qū)是個(gè)令任何強(qiáng)國都虎視眈眈謀求發(fā)展和擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋戰(zhàn)爭的勝利改變了，我們那具有戰(zhàn)略意義的邊界才成為我們所擁有的整個(gè)太平洋，只要我們能夠抓住它便能使其成為巨大的護(hù)城河。千真萬確，它充當(dāng)?shù)氖撬忻绹酥琳麄€(gè)太平洋自由領(lǐng)土的護(hù)盾。我們控制亞洲成弧形鏈狀海岸線的島嶼從琉球到馬尼拉都受我們和盟軍控制。由這諸些島嶼我們能支配從海參葳到新加坡亞洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所說的——從海參葳到新加坡——保護(hù)并抵御太平洋上不友好的動(dòng)機(jī)。

在亞洲任何兇狠的進(jìn)攻都必須具備兩股力量。無任何兩種力量能在沒有海洋和空中的掌控權(quán)之下在推進(jìn)道路上取得成功。有了海軍、重要的空軍和適度的陸軍來保衛(wèi)基地，任何對亞洲大陸的以及我們和我們在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻擊都必將逃不了失敗的厄運(yùn)。

在如此狀況下，太平洋代表的不僅僅是預(yù)想中的侵略者的一種威脅。假定那里是個(gè)友好的和平湖畔，我們的防御路線就十分自然而且可花費(fèi)最小的軍事代價(jià)來維持。想象沒有任何襲擊，也用不著為突襲性的攻擊而設(shè)置堡壘，只要適當(dāng)維護(hù)，這將是抵制侵略的不可戰(zhàn)勝的防御。

在西太平洋上想擁有這種防御力因此要依賴各個(gè)部分，因?yàn)椴挥押玫牧α繉?dǎo)致的任何線路破裂都會(huì)遭來每個(gè)部分在有預(yù)謀的攻擊下變得十分脆弱。

這是我仍在尋找的要接替我的軍事領(lǐng)頭者應(yīng)當(dāng)持有的軍事評估。因?yàn)檫@個(gè)原因，我過去強(qiáng)烈地推薦自己，成為一個(gè)至關(guān)重要的軍事代理，沒有穩(wěn)固的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)臺灣就只能在共產(chǎn)主義的掌控下。這樣一個(gè)世界有可能立刻就威脅到菲律賓和失敗后的日本的自由，也會(huì)迫使我們西方的防守邊界退到加利福尼亞沿岸、奧勒崗和華盛頓。

要了解中國大陸所發(fā)生的變化，就必須知道50年來中國體制和文化的變化。中國，50年前是完全沒有團(tuán)結(jié)意識，分裂成很多團(tuán)體互相爭斗。經(jīng)過過去的五十年中國人開始有了武裝的概念和理想。如今他們組成了擁有勝任的參謀長和司令的優(yōu)秀士兵團(tuán)體。這就在亞洲誕生了一股新的統(tǒng)治力量，為了實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的目標(biāo)，他們與觀念方法都成了具帝國主義的蘇聯(lián)結(jié)盟，同時(shí)他們也帶著擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土、增強(qiáng)實(shí)力的渴望趨向帝國主義。

他們都使用精力來扭曲我的職位。結(jié)果我被說成了是個(gè)好戰(zhàn)分子。沒有事物能夠越加遠(yuǎn)離真理。我明白現(xiàn)在活著的人當(dāng)中幾乎沒多少能真正了解戰(zhàn)爭，沒有比這更令我心情不悅的了。因?yàn)閷ε笥押蛿橙藥淼钠茐囊呀?jīng)致使一系列國際上的爭論都毫無用處，我倡導(dǎo)這項(xiàng)廢除令很久了。事實(shí)上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本國在密蘇里號戰(zhàn)艦上投降后，我正式警告如下：

“人類從一開始就尋求和平。不同的時(shí)代各式各樣的方法都被用來設(shè)計(jì)國際性的進(jìn)程，來平息和解國與國之間的爭論。有許多可行性的方法是被個(gè)別的公民發(fā)掘的，但是在一個(gè)巨大的國際范圍中，技術(shù)工人用單一的手段還從未成功過。軍事的聯(lián)盟，實(shí)力的平衡，國家的結(jié)盟，輪流著失敗，留下這唯一的路徑來當(dāng)作戰(zhàn)爭的嚴(yán)酷考驗(yàn)。戰(zhàn)爭帶來的整個(gè)破壞現(xiàn)在產(chǎn)生了二選一。我們只有最后的機(jī)會(huì)。如果我們我們不能設(shè)計(jì)出一些更好更公平的制度，大決戰(zhàn)將近在咫尺。問題是神奇的，它涉及到一種精神的再生和人類性格的改進(jìn)，將與我們在科學(xué)、藝術(shù)、文學(xué)及所有物質(zhì)文化2022年來的發(fā)展近乎史無前例的同步進(jìn)展。如果我們要保存肉體就必須有精神作支撐。”

但是一旦戰(zhàn)爭逼迫著我們發(fā)生，那就沒有選擇的盡力使戰(zhàn)爭盡快結(jié)束。戰(zhàn)爭的目的是為了勝利，而不是為了無休止的延長。戰(zhàn)爭中沒有東西能代替勝利。有一些人因?yàn)楦鞣N原因要安慰紅色中國。他們無視歷史的教訓(xùn)，因?yàn)闅v史無庸質(zhì)疑地強(qiáng)調(diào)了撫慰只能招致更血性的戰(zhàn)爭。就像敲詐勒索，它爆發(fā)于連續(xù)不斷的新的需求，在威脅中，暴力成為了僅存的另外選擇。“為什么?”我的士兵問我，“難道要我們在戰(zhàn)場上放棄對敵人的優(yōu)勢?”我無言以對。

有人會(huì)說：和中國攜手進(jìn)行一次全力以赴的戰(zhàn)爭來避免沖突的傳播;另外，要避免蘇聯(lián)的干涉。似乎沒有一種解釋是有效的，因?yàn)橹袊呀?jīng)表明有了最大限度的影響力，且蘇聯(lián)不會(huì)迎合我們的步伐。就如一條眼鏡蛇，當(dāng)新的敵人感到軍事上的相互依存或者別的遍及世界的潛在誘惑，他們就很可能會(huì)發(fā)動(dòng)進(jìn)攻。

事實(shí)使韓國的悲劇更為加深了，軍事行動(dòng)縮小了他們的國界。那個(gè)我們要拯救的國家、他們要飽受整個(gè)海軍和空軍毀滅性的對抗，然而敵人的地盤卻在如此的攻擊和破壞之下全全得到保護(hù)，這是受到譴責(zé)的。在世界上所有的國家中，韓國是僅存的唯一冒險(xiǎn)反對共產(chǎn)主義的國家。韓國人民巨大的勇氣和剛毅拒絕描述。比起奴隸身份他們情愿選擇了拼死。他們對我留下的最后一句話是：“決不能逃離太平洋!”我只為你們留下了英勇善戰(zhàn)的兒子們。他們在那遇到了各種各樣的考驗(yàn)，我會(huì)毫無保留地向你們匯報(bào)他們在每個(gè)方面都很出色。

我持久地盡我所能去保護(hù)他們光榮地結(jié)束這場野蠻的沖突，并且要花費(fèi)最少的時(shí)間，付出最小的犧牲。那些日趨增長的殺戮給我?guī)砹藰O度的痛苦和憂慮。那些勇敢的人們永久地留在我的腦海中以及我的祈禱文里。

我即將結(jié)束我52年的戎馬生涯了。還在本世紀(jì)開始前當(dāng)我加入陸軍時(shí)，我孩提時(shí)代所有的希望和夢想便實(shí)現(xiàn)了。自從我在西點(diǎn)廣場上虔誠地宣誓以來，世界已幾經(jīng)傾覆，希望和夢想也早已消失，但我仍記得那時(shí)最流行的一首軍歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布：

“老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，他們只是悄然隱去。”

像那首歌中的老兵一樣，我作為一名在上帝的光輝下盡心盡職的老兵，現(xiàn)在結(jié)束我的軍事生涯，悄然隱去。

再見。

第13篇 《告別網(wǎng)吧，做文明健康的中學(xué)生》演講稿公眾演講

現(xiàn)在隨著中國社會(huì)的不斷發(fā)展，人們的生活也逐漸富裕起來，網(wǎng)絡(luò)也跟著在社會(huì)中流行，融入到了我們生活中去，而且擴(kuò)張的范圍很大，尤其是對于中學(xué)生來說更是對“網(wǎng)絡(luò)”愛不釋手。為此，上個(gè)星期，老師叫我寫有關(guān)網(wǎng)絡(luò)文明的演講稿，我想就寫“告別網(wǎng)吧，做文明健康中學(xué)生”為題的演講稿吧，于是我就中學(xué)生告別網(wǎng)吧一事專門調(diào)查了幾位同學(xué)，他們中的一些堅(jiān)定的搖了頭，并說出了一大堆上網(wǎng)的好處，而且反問了我：“你也不是經(jīng)常上網(wǎng)嗎？”，于是，產(chǎn)生了我的幾個(gè)思考：告別網(wǎng)吧，是不是就等于告別了網(wǎng)絡(luò)？告別網(wǎng)吧現(xiàn)實(shí)嗎？我們的中學(xué)生在接觸網(wǎng)絡(luò)時(shí)，該如何把持自己呢？

老師說過，21世紀(jì)是知識經(jīng)濟(jì)的時(shí)代，是網(wǎng)絡(luò)時(shí)代，是人類數(shù)字化生存的時(shí)代，電腦和網(wǎng)絡(luò)，是每一個(gè)學(xué)生都必須掌握的一門課程。在美國等西方國家，四五年級的學(xué)生都能夠熟練地使用電腦、網(wǎng)絡(luò)、查閱資料，學(xué)習(xí)知識。相比之下，讓我們中學(xué)生告別網(wǎng)絡(luò)的做法，我想在座的同學(xué)沒有一個(gè)會(huì)同意的。但我們法律為什么又規(guī)定“禁止未成年人進(jìn)入網(wǎng)吧”？首先，我們不能把“網(wǎng)絡(luò)”等同于“網(wǎng)吧”。不接觸網(wǎng)吧，我們同樣可以接觸網(wǎng)絡(luò)。比如通過：家庭個(gè)人電腦、學(xué)校電腦室等，當(dāng)然，這方面的開發(fā)和利用，有待學(xué)校、老師、家長和我們同學(xué)的共同認(rèn)識基礎(chǔ)上逐步實(shí)現(xiàn)。第二，表面禁止的同時(shí)，深含對我們未成年人的身心保護(hù)。我們中學(xué)生迷戀網(wǎng)吧，不能自拔，導(dǎo)致學(xué)業(yè)無成，甚至是猝死網(wǎng)吧的現(xiàn)象時(shí)有耳聞，一旦事件發(fā)生，我們總認(rèn)為這是因無知而犯下的錯(cuò)，但也為時(shí)已晚?！敖刮闯赡耆诉M(jìn)入網(wǎng)吧”是為了讓我們的學(xué)生少犯或不犯同樣的錯(cuò)誤，讓更多的人來關(guān)愛我們這些未成人。

但是，目前那些黑網(wǎng)吧，象一個(gè)個(gè)美麗的陷阱，使許多同學(xué)丟魂失魄、喪失意志、無心學(xué)習(xí)、前途廢棄。據(jù)調(diào)查，學(xué)生上網(wǎng)80%以上是打游戲，15%左右是交友聊天，真正查詢資料用于學(xué)習(xí)的為數(shù)極少。有13%以上的男生很喜歡上網(wǎng)或迷戀上網(wǎng)，達(dá)到了嚴(yán)重影響學(xué)習(xí)的地步。一到寒暑假，學(xué)生們更是肆無忌憚，不少學(xué)生生通宵達(dá)旦地玩電游、上網(wǎng)。網(wǎng)上游戲、網(wǎng)上聊天和網(wǎng)上色情是網(wǎng)絡(luò)三個(gè)魔爪，是使中學(xué)生墮落的三大殺手。由于網(wǎng)絡(luò)游戲、色情和聊天充滿刺激、驚險(xiǎn)和浪漫，許多網(wǎng)迷一旦接觸，便深陷其中而不能自拔、網(wǎng)上“三魔爪”又被稱作“電子海洛因”，是殺人不眨眼的劊子手。同學(xué)們，你們聽說過這么一件事沒有？為了搞到錢到網(wǎng)吧里玩游戲，山東省聊城市的三名中學(xué)生竟想出了攔路搶劫的辦法，僅5月6日到5月11日短短6天時(shí)間，他們就作案3起。據(jù)這三名中學(xué)生交代，他們泡網(wǎng)吧成癮，但又沒那么多錢，只好向家長撒謊要，不行就去偷、去搶。

如何防止讓我們中學(xué)生上網(wǎng)上癮，真正做到未成年人不入網(wǎng)吧？我認(rèn)為最重要的是家庭、學(xué)校、社會(huì)齊抓共管，真正重視我們中學(xué)生的心理需求，在心理上加以指導(dǎo)，幫助擺脫心理壓境，提高心理素質(zhì)。此外，提高我們中學(xué)生的現(xiàn)實(shí)交往能力，培養(yǎng)自信心才是擺脫“上網(wǎng)成癮“的根本。我建議我們學(xué)校要多開展一些健康、有益的文體活動(dòng)，開放電腦室和閱覽室，讓我們中學(xué)生旺盛的精力有“用武之地”。

同學(xué)們，讓我們共同攜手，樹立堅(jiān)定的信念，告別網(wǎng)吧，做文明健康中學(xué)生吧！

第14篇 告別2022迎接2022演講稿

悄然間，我們又在時(shí)光的沙灘上多印了一個(gè)腳印。馬上就要迎來2022了，下面是由酷貓寫作范文網(wǎng)為大家提供的演講稿范文，希望能幫助到你。

告別2022迎接2022演講稿

尊敬的老師，親愛的同學(xué)們：

我們懷著激動(dòng)地心情，迎來了__年元旦。在此，我向辛勤培育我們的老師們送去新年的祝福：祝老師工作順利，幸福安康。同時(shí)也祝福同學(xué)們學(xué)習(xí)進(jìn)步，更上一層樓。

明天就是__年的1月1日，也就是元旦?！霸笔堑谝换蜷_始的意思，“旦”是太陽升起或白天的意思。元旦，就是新年的第一天。從字面上看，“旦”字上面的日就是太陽，下面的一橫表示廣闊的海面，表示一輪紅日從海上噴薄而出，放射出燦爛的光芒，生動(dòng)地反映了旭日東升的形象，它蘊(yùn)涵著一種蓬勃的生機(jī)，表明一種美好的開始。

為慶祝元旦，我們舉辦了這個(gè)新年聯(lián)歡會(huì)，同學(xué)們都特別開心，特別快樂，多有趣呀!回首即將過去的一年，我們每個(gè)人都心潮澎湃，感慨萬千。同學(xué)們在老師的辛勤培育下，通過努力，取得了不錯(cuò)的成績，為班級爭得了榮譽(yù)。在新的一年，我們要為自己定下新的計(jì)劃，從現(xiàn)在開始，努力學(xué)好各門功課，積極參加學(xué)校組織的各項(xiàng)活動(dòng)，為了同一個(gè)目標(biāo)團(tuán)結(jié)合作，努力拼搏。讓我們把在__年收獲的一點(diǎn)一滴帶到嶄新的__年，讓我們把精彩和歡樂帶到__!

老師是最辛苦的，他們是我們成長的領(lǐng)路人，讓我們以熱烈的掌聲感謝為我們付出心血的老師， 祝老師們工作順利!健康快樂!祝同學(xué)們?nèi)〉煤贸煽?，在新的一年里有新的進(jìn)步!

告別2022迎接2022演講稿篇，已全部結(jié)束，感謝你的閱讀。

第15篇 初中畢業(yè)生告別母校演講稿

各位敬愛老師，同學(xué)們： 大家好！今天，我站在這里，代表全體初三畢業(yè)生向我們的母校道別，向×三中的老師們道別，向朝夕相處的同窗們道別，也向這段不能忘懷的歲月道別！讓我們真誠的向老師們說一聲：謝謝，向?qū)W弟、學(xué)妹們道聲：努力！ 此時(shí)此刻，我的心情無比激動(dòng)，即有畢業(yè)的喜悅，也有掩不住無限的回憶與留戀。三年的學(xué)習(xí)時(shí)光，彈指一揮間，但很多記憶將成為我們生命中最為珍重的收藏：葳蕤的楊樹，寬闊的操場，如畫的長廊，明亮的教室。我們一定還記得剛?cè)胄r(shí)你我所立的雄心壯志，一定還記得在教室、圖書館和實(shí)驗(yàn)室中你我孜孜不倦學(xué)習(xí)、研究的身影，一定還記得老師的諄諄教誨和習(xí)題獲得突破時(shí)你我那種發(fā)自內(nèi)心的喜悅，一定還記得在運(yùn)動(dòng)場上你我生龍活虎的鍛煉場景，太多太多的情景值得我們?nèi)セ貞?。這三年的路，我們走的辛苦而快樂，三年的生活，我們過的充實(shí)而美麗，我們流過眼淚，卻伴著歡笑，我們踏著荊棘，卻嗅得萬里花香。 三年的初中生活，使我們從一個(gè)不懂事兒童，成為了一名躊躇滿志的青少年；從不敢離開父母的懷抱，到不怕堅(jiān)險(xiǎn)，勇于拼搏。三年來，一千零五十多個(gè)日日夜夜，母校不懈地用知識武裝我。現(xiàn)在，我們不僅學(xué)會(huì)了語文、數(shù)學(xué)，而且學(xué)會(huì)了物理和化學(xué)，不僅提筆能寫文章，而且知道了分子和原子及各種知識。最重要的一點(diǎn)在于，使我更清楚地知道怎么愛中國、愛社會(huì)主義，維護(hù)世界和平。這是學(xué)校教育的結(jié)果，這是老師們心血的結(jié)晶。 在這畢業(yè)之際，我感謝美麗的母校，給了我知識的瓊漿、智慧的力量和做人的道理；感謝敬愛的老師們那淳淳教誨和無私的關(guān)愛，您對我們的恩情比山還高，比海還深。 今天的畢業(yè)不僅是對昨天的總結(jié)，更是對明天的呼喚。以后我們將要進(jìn)入高中去學(xué)習(xí)。還會(huì)進(jìn)入大學(xué)深造，會(huì)扛槍保衛(wèi)祖國的邊陲，會(huì)上山去找礦，會(huì)進(jìn)工廠去做工，會(huì)到廣漠的原野上去耕耘。我們還會(huì)奔向世界各地，去紐約、巴黎、倫敦。但我們無論在什么地方，無論干什么工作，我們永遠(yuǎn)和這里心連心。老師們，請相信，我們在新的地方一定會(huì)保持三中學(xué)生的優(yōu)良傳統(tǒng)，去拼搏、去奮斗、去創(chuàng)造，絕不會(huì)辜負(fù)你們的信任！ 三中的全體同學(xué)們，雖然我們畢業(yè)了，但你們還要繼續(xù)在這里學(xué)習(xí)和生活，希望你們今后要努力學(xué)習(xí)、團(tuán)結(jié)友愛、講究文明、遵守紀(jì)律，不僅要成為一名合格的

《初中畢業(yè)生告別母校演講稿》